On Our Praxis in Promoting the Class Struggle:
How should the vanguard party and its members be active inside the trade unions and in their own workplaces?

1.

Comrades all over the world fighting for the proletarian world revolution!

The vanguard party built by the revolutionary proletarians must lead every labourer to organise themselves as a class that is the subject of the proletarian revolution. The members of the revolutionary party must not only carry out their specific activities as party members, but also develop the class struggle in qualification as labours who belong to the trade union; each member of party is not only a party member, but also a trade union member as long as there are trade unions in his or her workplace. If there is no union in their workplace, they are both ordinary workers and party members. Each comrade has his or her own form of existence, which is closely linked to the conditions of the area - the so-called «Topos» - in which he or she is active. What is important is that the party members act in their appropriate form of existence in each workplace, e.g. as trade union officials, and clearly show the guidelines of the class struggle to the other workers; only by developing various activities, such as the anti-war protests against the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the wage dispute with the employer or the struggle against "rationalisation", on the basis of these guidelines will it be possible to lead, change and organise the other ordinary workers. The importance of such activity lies precisely in the fact that the organisation of the vanguard party must be composed of revolutionary proletarians who hold Marxism and acquire communist consciousness.

From this perspective, we would like to reveal the lessons of our own struggle in Japan.

Since RENGO, the Japanese Trade Union Confederation, was founded in 1987, the working class has been dominated by a labour aristocracy, which based on the complex of military and monopoly capital; their essential spirit is Japanese nationalism and also the ideology of serving the state and the corporations. Each Industrial Organisation under the leadership of RENGO is a loose coalition of Enterprise Unions organised in the companies. Our comrades, party members, are active as members of these enterprise unions; they may be left leaders or militant union members.

Our comrades, party members, are also the leaders of the branch organisations of such enterprise unions, in certain instances. Under these conditions, it is necessary to study and clarify how our party members, as trade union officials, should propose tactics for the class struggle and develop various activities.

2.

In many companies, management is launching an offensive against the workers, which called "Rationalisation" by introducing a series of computer systems and thus reducing the number of employees. Almost all of the trade union leadership in such companies is oriented towards either right-wing social democracy or reformism, which is nothing more than an ideology of class collaboration. After simply accepting the company's proposals, the aristocratic leadership of the union, instead of the bourgeoisie, tells the workers that the company's offensive proposals "unfortunately" have to be implemented.

At this time, our comrades who are members of the revolutionary party as well as leaders of the trade unions in the enterprises must launch the struggle against the capitalist. This means that when the corrupt leadership of the trade union - speaking for the bourgeoisie - announces the need for "rationalisation", the comrades must immediately insist within the trade union that the workers must not become victims of capital's offensive. Upon receiving such an announcement from the labour aristocracy, our comrades, as leaders of the branch organisation of the union, should immediately discuss the problem not only with the higher officials of the union, but also at the various levels of the workers' organisation. In cooperation with the other members of the executive committee, our comrades propose to all the workers to think and discuss together what disadvantages the labour policies of the capitalists would have for the workers and how they would affect their workplaces, etc. After our party members, as trade union officials, have collected the different opinions on the relevant issues, they should appeal to the higher officials of the company trade union that the capitalist attack should be stopped on the basis of the force of workers' unity. At the same time, our comrades must confront the managers in the working sector where the capitalist is trying to downsize with the concrete assertion that any sacrifices must not be attributed to the workers.

This kind of approach and negotiation with the management of the enterprise is called "On-Site-Consultation" or "On-Site-Negotiation". It is crucial that our party members, as trade union officials, exercise their strength "on site"; this means that our comrades lead the workers at the grassroots level of the trade union and urge the higher level of the executive board, which conducts "collective bargaining" with the management of the capitalist enterprise, to defend the interests of the working class. The strength of the unity of the organised workers, i.e. their power as a class, can be demonstrated and proved in the workplace, in this confrontation with the industrial "Unteroffiziere" (Marx, Das Kapital. Erster Band, Kap.11.), the sergeants who command the labour process in the name of the capitalist.

In the branch organisations of the enterprise trade unions there are different members of the executive committee whose tendencies of political ideology are very different. Our comrade, the members of the revolutionary party, should strive to strengthen the class consciousness of the other leaders in the arena of the executive committee. To do this, we must summarise the practices of the struggle waged "on site" in defence of the interests of the working class and formulate the lessons - in the way of revolutionary Marxism - for the further development of the class struggle. Our comrades must then present these lessons to the general membership for discussion and encourage them to become aware of themselves as part of the proletarian class.

As long as the various activities mentioned above are considered in terms of the organising praxis of party members, they can be determined as «activities that our comrade carries out in his/her form of existence as a member of the trade union». This form of activities must be clearly distinguished from «activities that our comrade carries out as a party member». The latter is a form of activities in which our comrades who exist as party members carry out independent propaganda, for example, publishing and selling organ papers, etc., in order to recruit new members. The structure of both forms of activity should not be imagined superficially. If a party member belongs to a trade union, he/she is a trade union member. If this party member directly enforces the interests and partisanship of the party in the labour movement, it would lead to the manipulation of the trade union, resulting in a deviation called sectarianism. On the other hand, neglecting the independent activities of party members would lead to their being submerged in the trade union movement.

3.

Furthermore, our party members should locate and organise progressive elements in the affiliates and leaderships of the subordinate organisations of the trade union, so that together with them we can form a left faction within the trade unions. The subjectivity of the labour movement is always none other than the trade union, but its further development cannot be imagined without being promoted by us, the revolutionary Marxists who are present on site as trade union officials.

The meetings of this left fraction should not only take place before the executive committee or the collective actions of the trade unions, but also after these initiatives. The reason for this is that the left fraction as a whole needs to reflect on what each member has actually been able to achieve in their own area of the labour movement. By holding reflective meetings in which we identify what problems have arisen in practice and explore the reasons why these problems have arisen, our party members can ideologically elevate each member of the left fraction.

In such discussions, our comrades should urge members of the left fraction not only to think about the practice of the labour movement, but also to actively present the theoretical content of Marxism. It is not important that workers assimilate Marxist theory as a doctrine, but that they have Marxism at their disposal in a concrete way to solve the problems that arise in the workplace. The concrete application of Marxist theory as a weapon in the class struggle, and thus its use for the further thinking of the proletarians, is the way to ideologically educate the militant workers of the Left Faction and train them to become revolutionary communists.

The activities of our comrades who are party members, i.e. the creation of a left fraction within the trade union and the ideological transformation of its members into communists, can be described as «organising activities worthy of party membership, although the party member is active as an officials or a member of the trade union». Our party members in the labour movement scene must not remain as mere trade union officials or members. Rather, our comrades create the left fraction by developing organisation activities worthy of party membership, even though they are trade union officials or members in each workplace.

In the sense described above, it can be stated that the activities of our party members take the following three forms:

1 = M: Activities that the subject carries out in his/her form of existence as a Party member (Independent Activity of the Party),

2 = F: Activities that the subject carries out worthy of being a party member, although he/she exists as a leader or a member of the trade union (Fraction Activity),

3 = U: Activities that the subject carries out in his/her form of existence as a member of the trade union (Unique Activity within the Union).

*M: Marxist Party / F: Fraction / U: Trade Union

These three forms of activity are based on the fact that the mode of existence of each subject is conditioned by the material groundwork - Topos - in which he/she exists; we, the party members, must be aware of this and consciously transform our own form of existence on the basis of an analysis of the material conditions in the places where we are active. We must consciously use all three forms of activity in a three-dimensional way, not only the first and third, but also the second.

May, 2023

日本語原文

　労働組合での・また・職場での闘争にとりくむ前衛党組織とその成員の諸活動の主体的構造

　１

　プロレタリア世界革命のためにたたかう全世界の同志たち！

　プロレタリア前衛党は、プロレタリア革命の主体をなすプロレタリアートを階級として組織するために、労働者たち一人ひとりを変革しなければならないのであり、党組織の構成員は、党員としての独自の活動を遂行するばかりではなく、労働組合においては組合員あるいは組合役員として、また、労働組合が結成されていない職場においては一労働者として、ウクライナ反戦闘争、賃上げ闘争、そして合理化反対闘争などの諸闘争の指針を積極的に提起し、この指針にのっとって労働者たちの先頭にたってたたかい、彼らを変革し組織する諸活動をくりひろげることが肝要である、とわれわれは考える。それはまた同時に、前衛党組織を、マルクス主義を体得し共産主義的意識を獲得した革命的プロレタリアをその構成員して創造し建設しなければならない、ということにももとづくのである。

　われわれは、このような立場にたって、日本におけるわれわれの闘いの教訓を明らかにしたい、と考える。

　日本においては「連合」という名の労働組合連合体が結成されており、軍需諸産業を基盤とし、日本のナショナリズムならびに国家と企業に奉仕するというイデオロギーを精神的支柱とする労働貴族がその指導部を牛耳っている。この「連合」の傘下の産業別労働組合連合体は、それぞれの企業に結成された労働組合（企業別労働組合）が産業別にゆるやかに結びつくという形態をとっている。われわれの党員は、この企業別労働組合の下部組織の執行部役員あるいは組合員として活動しているのである。

　わが党員はこのような企業別労働組合の下部組織のリーダーというかたちでも活動している。このような諸条件のもとで、わが党員は組合役員としてどのように方針を提起し諸活動をくりひろげるべきなのか、ということを明らかにすることが必要である。

　２

　多くの企業では、その経営陣は、全社的なコンピュータシステムを導入し、これに見合うように人員を入れ替え労働組織を再編する、という合理化攻撃をかけてきている。このような企業の労働組合の指導部の多くは、階級協調主義の右翼的な社会民主主義的イデオロギーにもとづいて組合運動を推進しており、経営陣のこの提案をうけいれたうえで、会社の提案が実施されるということを組合の各級の機関に通告してくるのである。

　わが党員は組合下部組織のリーダーとして、この通告を受けるとすぐに、「この再編によって労働者たちが犠牲をこうむることがあってはならない」ということを、組合の上部機関の役員たちと論議し、下部組織の執行委員会において、この攻撃がどういうものであるのか、ということ、そして、職場の労働者たちにどういう問題が降りかかってくるのかを具体的に点検しよう、ということを提起して意志一致し、執行委員で分担して組合員たちと論議しなければならない。そして、わが党員は組合役員として、生起してくるであろうと推測される問題について集約し、そういう事態をくい止めるべきことを上部機関の役員と協議するとともに、当該の組合下部組織の組合員たちが労働者として所属している労働部門の管理者たちに、「労働者たちに犠牲を強いてはならない」ということを、具体的なかたちで問題を提起して、申し入れなければならない。

　当該労働部門の管理者たちへのこの申し入れと協議は、「現場協議」とか「現場交渉」とかと呼ばれる。労働組合の下から声をあげて、会社経営陣に「団体交渉」をおこなう組合執行部に、組合員の利害を守るようにせまると同時に、わが党員が組合役員として、組合下部組織の執行委員会を牽引して、この「現場協議」＝「現場交渉｝において力を発揮することが肝要なのである。労働組合と組合員たちの団結の力は、すなわちその階級としての力は、この労働の現場での「産業下士官」（マルクス）との対峙において、これを発揮することができるのであり、そして力としてしめされるのだからである。

　わが党員は組合役員として、執行委員会において、このような闘いの諸実践を総括し、さまざまなイデオロギー的傾向をもつ執行委員たちを階級的にたかめ、強化していかなければならない。そして、この総括を組合員たちに提起して論議し、彼らに階級的自覚をうながしていかなければならない。

　以上にのべてきたような諸活動については、わが党員の組織活動という角度から言えば、「わが党員が組合役員あるいは組合員としてくりひろげる活動」と呼ぶことができる。この活動の形態にかんしては、「わが党員が党員として展開する活動」とは明確に区別されなければならない。後者は、わが党員が党員として、機関紙や書籍を発行し販売するというかたちで、党独自の宣伝をおこない、新たな党員を獲得する、という活動の形態である。両者の活動の形態は立体的に把握されなければならない。党員は労働組合に所属しているならば、そこにおいては組合員である。その党員が組合運動の場面で党員として、党の利害と党派性を直接的に貫徹するならば、労働組合をひきまわすことになり、セクト主義という偏向をおかすことになるのである。他面、党員が党員として独自の活動を展開することをおろそかにするならば、組合運動に埋没してしまうことになるのである。

　３

　さらに、わが党員は、組合下部組織の執行委員や組合員のなかの先進的なメンバーたちを組織して、組合内左翼フラクションを創造しなければならない。わが党員は組合役員として、この左翼フラクションを実体的基礎とし、労働組合を主体として、そのときどきの組合の課題を実現するための組合運動を展開するのである。

　わが党員は、執行委員会の会議や組合運動上のとりくみの前には、左翼フラクションの会議を開いて意志一致し、そしてそれらの後にも会議を開催して、この左翼フラクションとしてのとりくみとその諸成員の諸実践を総括して、生起した問題についてその根拠へとほりさげ、そのそれぞれのメンバーを思想的にたかめていかなければならない。それと同時に、わが党員は、この反省の論議において、マルクス主義の内容を積極的に提起して、これを理論的武器とし適用して反省をほりさげ、そのメンバーたちを思想的に変革して、彼らをマルクス主義者＝共産主義者へと鍛えあげていかなければならない。

　組合内左翼フラクションを創造しそのメンバーを思想的に変革していく、というわが党員の活動は、「組合役員あるいは組合員であるにもかかわらず党員にふさわしい組織活動」ということができる。わが党員は、組合運動の場面において、組合役員あるいは組合員として活動するばかりではなく、組合役員あるいは組合員であるにもかかわらず党員にふさわしい組織活動をも展開しなければならないのである。

　この意味において、わが党員の活動は、

　１　わが党員が党員として遂行する活動

　２　組合役員あるいは組合員であるにもかかわらず党員にふさわしい組織活動

　３　わが党員が組合役員あるいは組合員として展開する活動

という三形態をとる、ということができるのである。

　そして、このことは、われわれ主体の規定性が、われわれが実存している場所の物質的諸条件に規定されて転換する、ということにもとづくのであり、党員である私は、このことを自覚し、自分が活動する場所の物質的諸条件の分析に立脚して、自分自身の規定性を自覚的に転換するのである。

　われわれは、１番目の活動と３番目の活動ばかりではなく、２番目の活動をふくめて、この三つの形態の活動のすべてを、自覚的に立体的に展開しなければならない。

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　二〇二三年五月